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Reply to Rami Kronin on the question of opportunity …



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The South African Communist Party (SACP) clearly helped move Zuma into power in the most opportunistic manner. And all of South Africa has been witness to this since the 2007 ANUK Polokwan Conference, and even before that. I stand on this opinion without meaning.

Gerry Cronin Strongly protected The SACP's position in the last national general elections, and was raised with me: "The SACP played a central role against the kleptocracy and the campaign against the conquest of the country was not opportunistic, as claimed by Ronnie Casrils, nor was it a blind rash."Daily Maverick May 16 in response to my previous contribution DM "Karta's Egg of Election").

The SACP's record against the Jacob zuma of the kleptocratic capture period of the state should be dissected. Rami Kronin is aware that he and the party leadership ignored my warnings in 2005 against Zuma, even before his rape trial, but at the same time his corrupt relationship with Shaabir Sheikh was published in the courts.

The party clearly helped propel Zuma into power in the most opportunistic manner. The party has strongly supported Zuma to remove the Mbeki and was almost at the forefront of the campaign. When the fonts used the Waterclub airbase, President Zuma, and the state expenses on Nakandala's house became a public scandal, they protected it to the very end and covered it with the cabinet and the parliament, leaving it to the hook.

Zwelinzima Vavi as the leader of Cosatu began to admit his mistake on trust and support Zuma already in 2010. It took the SACP a few years before he woke up enough for General Secretary Blade Nzimande to admit their error and apologize. The culmination of such self-criticism was at the SACP Congress in July 2017, after it became clear that the party had lost its time with Zuma, who until then had become the prisoner of his own hypocrisy and greed.

The takeoff of the SACP affair with Jacob Zuma was not his communist credentials (or if they ever went down in 1990 when the party was published), but personal hatred for my critics and not simply an anthrax for his policies.

"Zuma is the best bet for the left, "she told me in a 2005 interview with a dozen leaders, who answered them that amounted to opportunism.I stick to this view and believe my position has stood the test of time no matter what Cronin claims.

Did the SACP object to my adherence to policies like GEAR and the ideology of AIDS? Yes, indeed, and if they felt they were not getting anywhere, they should have been older than jumping from the pan to the fire.

Which brings me to the July 2017 congress in the party (five months before Ank's electoral conference later that year), where Kronin's current criticism is. His disagreement with me relates to my opinion that SACP should be independent candidates in the 2019 national elections as required by many of its representatives at the Congress of July 2017. This pressure was carefully modified by the leadership calling for the party to wait for the outcome of the December Conference of Enkh in that year.

The history is that Hermaposa defeated Zuma's chosen successor by a very small, controversial majority. I do not deny that the party played a role in this. The claim of Jeremy Cronin, however, as to my size is very exaggerated. And in my opinion, the SACP once again placed itself in tails behind the ANC to hurt him as the leader of the working class in the struggle for socialism.

Kronin's claim is as follows: He argues that the non-selection of independent party nominations in the 2019 elections enabled SACP to play Often the key role (My emphasis) within the ANC movement in the fight against parasitic telepactics and it was in the first place decisive in Cyril Rampaha was elected party leader by narrow majority at its December 2017 conference.

It follows his claim that the strategy allowed ANH's Ramaphosa to win a majority vote in the last 2019 election. It is clear that if Ramaphase was not the choice of ANC 2017 he could not represent the ANC in 2019.

I claim Kronin's claim, however, that the strategic choice of SACP was the deciding factor for Rampheusa's 2017 and 2019 victories. A broader view is needed. Without denying the SACP's support for rampback, I would argue that Key factor Behind his wins Jacob has so far had a shock and awe that hit home in the 2016 municipal elections when the ANC could only raise 53% of the vote. These gloomy performances were signs of dissatisfaction with people from the ANC government, that the SACP and its ministers and deputies were a significant part, even though they vote at the municipal level.

This disastrous performance in the polls had a significant impact on the outcome of the ANC conference in December 2017, and I claim, turned the tide against the Zuma group. Even Zuma's supporters, such as DD Mabuza, Fikile Mbalula and many others, saw the writing on the wall and were horrified by the possible outcome of the 2019 election with a Zuma-led candidate. The mood of the National Executive Committee was that Zuma's candidate should have gone down.

There were many other factors which affected the mood against Zuma within the ANC. For example, did Kronin forget the surprising role of the public defender at the time, Toli Madonsella, who calls Zuma to account? The critical role of the media and of the public aroused enormous pressure, as was the role of the parliamentary opposition in which the ANC parliamentarians and cabinet ministers could only shout and cry in defense of their defense – with secret care for their future.

In any case, Kronin can only claim to some active SACP campaign members for Ramaphosa in up-up until December 2017 a conference of ANC that helped produce the slim majority in his favor. I agree that their voices were needed then, and I, like many outside the fold, felt that Rampaha had seen Zuma's candidate.

There was no reason, however, why the party could not have campaigned for him so far and then began to organize on their behalf on an independent platform of 2019 elections. It would require a labor agreement of election alliance with the ANC which would certainly be possible and able to work for the benefit of both given our system of proportional representation.

Kronin points to the impressive corporate character of the SACP. If the party has confidence in those numbers, and in determining its cadres, then there is no doubt that it must believe in their ability to raise a respectable vote in every competition. While an attempt was made to place very few candidates in the municipal elections in 2016, they barely gave themselves time to organize themselves.

Kronin refrained from arguing about the party that has the courage to change direction, but he quotes the 1960 thesis of "a struggle within the revolution." He does not appreciate it should occur within the SACP and not only in what he calls "ANC movement".

It was the rationale of the SACP to remain "within the ANC". This approach shows a total lack of faith in what an independent SACP can, in fact, achieve in mobilizing the working class along with the leftist, progressive and anti-neo-liberal forces for the issue is not just about electoral competition.

This does not mean that he abandoned the ANC or was not concerned if a Zuma faction was growing, but it was better to express the socialist point of view in a country where class struggle was expressed in the capitalism of capitalism, in the nationalistic community and in the racist demagogy – as well as its right – contrary.

In this context, in which the concentration and energy of the SACP focused so strongly within the ANC, Rick saw socialism opened to the left of the movement, both in the discourse of the state and in the political elections, strategy and tactics come from nationwide elections at any time. This neglect has dangerous implications in the present and future periods. The question often arises: will the SACP remain in the ANC tent or has a separate existence? But this question is presented incorrectly. I prefer to present it as follows: If SACP remain inside an ANC tent or is there existence outside the mutual benefit of both?

I do not claim to be the dress of the left. There are many friends who are closer to the working class and active politics. I include those within the SACP, or the SRWP despite their dismal electoral appearance, the trade union movement – Kosato and Safto – and beyond the inclusion of civil society, grassroots organizations throughout the country, women, youth and cultural formations, revolutionary intellectuals, – ANC.

We need to be creative, tolerant, open, non-sectarian and not dogmatic, given the gloomy status of the socialist project in our country today. What many people do is encourage discussion about how the left can raise the political consciousness of the working class to the level of class consciousness for building socialism and for creating the necessary organizational forms. The problem is that very few seem willing to think outside their tent. We need to find a certain amount of courage to study the old tired formulas and creatively address the challenges of the present period characterized by unemployment, dangerous work, sexual violence, homophobia and xenophobia, right populism, global threats and global warming.

I have written Yomi Maverick Contribution: "At this moment, immediately after the successfully organized elections, the mood of Ramaphosa's" new dawn "is hope and expectation … But the danger still lurks within the ANC. Fraud and serve themselves. "

I am by no means writing any hope in the election of Rampaha. The degree of relief in the country is tangible and I am a partner. I believe he is serious about cleaning the organizational stables of corruption at all levels, strengthening the country's structures and agencies, putting functioning departments together, and dealing with decay in state organizations as well as the ANC itself.

It will take enormous political will and energy and it deserves all the support that can be mobilized. I wish him and ANC good on this matter. But I have doubts and reservations about the rampaha about the country's economic power, where they will stand or fall.

I posed the same fundamental question as Rami Kronin: Will the Presidency of Ramapaha break the neoliberal economic strangulation that our country embraces? Neo-liberalism is a major disaster, both in global terms and in our country, and as a result, the virtual Kafai economy, the enormous unemployment and the horrific fact that we have become the most unequal society in the world.

There are two immediate points that I want to emphasize.

First, the continuation of our current economic prescriptions negates any reason for optimism. In fact, on the contrary. Our government runs the neoliberal economy and serves a visionary and inspiring vision inspired by the World Bank, the Harvard School of Business and the likes of Goldman Sachs. For them, redistribution of redistribution (RDP) or anything post-Keynesian is a redistribution, not to mention that the dirty word in their vocabulary is "socialism."

Given the support SACP has provided Ramaphosa they have a heavy responsibility to influence him and the ANC at work for an alternative economic system serving the people rather than the free world market profiteers. Are we going to see again that the SACP appointed ministers and deputies simply carrying business as usual? If the SACP had an independent seat in parliament, I would argue that it would be a much better place to influence the government, especially with a broad left-wing movement in support, and a public standing and worker who could take responsibility.

This brings me to my second point, not detached: When I write a vicious attack was launched against the current Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Lindo Sisulu, for its decision to implement an ANC decision to upgrade the Israeli embassy of a liaison office in South Africa. The Israeli lobby, as cited by South African Jewish Congressman Ze'ev Krengel, has rudely defined it as the "greatest enemy" of South African Jews, as reported by an Israeli coroner, A Jewish report (May 16, 2019). This, of course, implies that in Zionist terms it is an "anti-Semite" which is a faraway dodge of the truth. It is the same Krengel himself who has been invited to the conferences of Ankh since Polokwin, 2007, as a favorite guest. I doubt he would have found the courage to launch this vicious attack if he had not had "friends" in the ANC just as he verbally abused the retired ambassador Muhammad Dangur on the same "crime" as Sisulu at the time of the decision to upgrade Israel's attendance at the 2017 conference.

Rampaha must stand firm in accordance with the ANC's decision to reduce ties with Israel and not fall prey to their cynical plea that South Africa has a role as mediator between the Zionist state and the Palestinians. We do not have a uniform approach to the two adversaries because this is a conflict created by Israel's dispossession of Palestinian land and rights. We can only be on the Palestinian side.

Krengel and his ilk want to neutralize the ANC by suggesting that it is well placed to be an impartial judge. All ANC people should be aware that Zionist lobbyists have no interest in ANC or democracy processes and are willing to slander all societies in order to advance the agenda of a foreign country.

However, there are these capitalist capitalists within the Zionist General Council on both sides of his party division, who were very interested in further development of the existing business relations with Israel, more than they declared the hands like Yehuda with silver coins. The Israeli connection touches on the basic issue of our economic choices and who we are willing to do business with.

The controversial arms trade with Saudi Arabia, for which the government has shown great interest, is another issue, since in terms of regulatory regulations, South Africa has been committed since 1994 not to sell arms to a country involved in another aggressive war.

This issue is not divorced from my discussion with Jeremy Cronin. In my article I mentioned the commitment made by ANC supporters gathered at the party headquarters after winning the election to build the ANC. I reiterated that they should commit, among other things, to smashing corruption in the government, in the country and in business, that is, ANC factions at all levels – national, provincial and local – and in our dealings with foreign countries.

In response to the immediate challenge, they and the SACP need to converge to protect Lindeva Sisulu, and potential disruption by foreign power representatives. This is the first battle in which the presidency of Ramapheus has to reveal itself. It is encouraging to note that ANC recorded its support for Sisulu following the Zionist attacks to hurt it. That solidarity must be presented by the president and the government. One of them is looking at the SACP's position with great interest in light of Kronin's rationale for the best way to strengthen and influence the ANC, as the ruling party, and to hold it. If PACERS SACP to opportunism, the second time around, it will come under fire from within or without.

I prefer to see the way back to the glory of her past again, with a hundred years of existence rising, gaining the trust of the working class and the masses. DM

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Want to see Richard's audition for Red Popluck for Talent Talent? Of SA?

Who does not? Unfortunately, it has been removed by the host site for a fruitful oath * Now that we have your attention, we thought to take the opportunity to talk to you about the little interest of burning books and freedom of speech.

Since his release, the book of Peter Louis Miboro State of the gangsters, Aroused fascist behavior like many members of the public (and the state). Were planned for school fires, disrupted disruptions Ace Magashule has openly called him a liar. And just say thank you, the R10m defamation lawsuit was filed against the author.

Peter Luis Miboro is our latest journalist and Scorpio researcher and we are not going to give him his important book to mute. When the launch of Cape Town was postponed, Maverick Insider Entered the place and moved it to a safe place so that the public could discover the discoveries of Peter Lowy. If we learned one thing in the past ten years, when someone tries to violate our constitutional rights, we have to fight back. Every day, our journalists reveal additional details and evidence of the capture of the state and its various incarnations. Deep decomposition and threats, like the last to freedom of speech, are real. You can support the reason by making an insider help to release the speech that can make a difference.

* There is no video of Richard Poplak auditioning for GOT Talent actually exists. Unless, we do not know about it please send it.


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